Will the CLARITY Act come tomorrow?

CN
2 hours ago
The worst outcome is not the failure of the bill. The worst outcome is Congress passing a set of loosely defined, vaguely responsible, and under-resourced regulations under the slogan of "regulatory clarity." That would temporarily hide the legal risks and push the larger losses onto the next wave of platform bankruptcies and market manipulations.

Written by: Daii

Many people are focused on September 15, but what they are really thinking about is whether Bitcoin, Ethereum, and XRP will receive a "get out of jail free" card issued by the U.S. government.

This understanding is too simplistic.

A procedural vote is not an asset certification meeting. It is certainly not a market rally initiation button.

What really deserves attention is whether the U.S. can compress the regulatory power struggle that's been ongoing for more than a decade into a market structure that can be enforced for the first time. If there is indeed a vote to end the debate on September 15, what it will first test is not which token is more noble, but whether the Senate has a sufficiently large political coalition willing to put this system into formal consideration.

1. Clarify the most easily misunderstood matters first

The report attached to the title describes the vote as a motion to end debate on "continuing the consideration motion." According to the Senate's general rules, this type of vote resolves whether to end obstruction and advance the agenda, not whether the bill will ultimately pass. It typically requires a three-fifths majority of all Senators. When there are no vacancies, that means 60 votes. Even if the motion to end debate is successful, there can still be a period of consideration, amendments, final voting, coordination of texts between both houses, and presidential signing.

So, passing the procedural vote does not mean the CLARITY bill has become law.

Likewise, failing to pass the procedural vote does not mean the U.S. will never establish a legal framework for the crypto market. It only indicates that the current text, current coalition, and current political cost have not yet gathered the 60 votes.

This distinction is crucial. The market prefers to condense a series of institutional nodes into a single "pass" or "fail." Traders can do this. Serious analysis cannot.

Additionally, there is another limitation. The official U.S. Congress website can directly verify the House version H.R. 3633 and its action records. The 630-page Senate new version mentioned in the title, the specific date of September 15, and the Democrats' stance come from the attached media reports. Unless the relevant Senate text, schedule, or Congressional Record has been made public, the described content in the media cannot be conflated with the official House text, nor can unverifiable Senate amendments be written as established legal content.

This isn't nitpicking.

In U.S. legislation, the version number is power. Whose sentence was changed is often more important than the name of the bill.

2. The real core is not "who manages the tokens," but when assets change and into what

The most important institutional effort of the CLARITY route is to break apart the three entities that have long been purposely conflated by the market: financing activities, the digital assets themselves, and the trading activities after the assets enter the secondary market.

U.S. securities regulation has long relied on the Howey test to determine whether a particular arrangement constitutes an investment contract. This test focuses on the relationship between transactions and commitments, not on permanently labeling a certain technical object. The SEC's own framework for analyzing digital assets also includes factors such as the state of network development, the ongoing management role of centralized entities, and the buyer's reliance on others' efforts in its analysis.

The problem lies precisely here.

The same token can be included in a securities transaction during early financing. When it is later traded in a secondary market without the original issuer's commitment, the legal analysis may not be entirely the same. Past law enforcement controversies often grouped "tokens," "issuance methods," and "trading arrangements" into one term, resulting in project teams, trading platforms, market makers, and ordinary users being unaware of where the boundaries of responsibility lie.

The House H.R. 3633 seeks to institutionalize the disassembly of this confusion through "digital commodities," blockchain system maturity, and relevant registration and disclosure mechanisms. It does not simply declare that "crypto assets are not regulated by securities law." Instead, it attempts to answer a more difficult question: Can the regulatory identity change as an asset moves from reliance on a core development team's financing network toward functional operation and decentralized control, and who proves such a change?

This is the true channel through which the bill influences valuations.

If the identity conversion standards are clear, the market will reduce some legal uncertainty discounts. If the standards are so lax that project teams only need to superficially decentralize, regulatory arbitrage will expand. If the standards are so strict that any development, governance, or upgrade activity is regarded as centralized control, most actively operating protocols will be unable to cross the threshold.

Therefore, what really matters is not whether the bill mentions the names of BTC, ETH, or XRP. What matters most is what facts are needed for maturity judgments, who bears the burden of proof, whether regulatory agencies can object, how long the objection period lasts, and what the penalties for false statements are.

The asset list will become outdated.

The determination process will dominate the market for many years.

3. The division of labor between the SEC and CFTC is far from "just switching to a friendlier cop"

The crypto industry often frames the situation as a simple narrative: the SEC is too strict, so let's give jurisdiction to the CFTC.

This is a dangerous naivety.

The CFTC has long regulated commodity derivatives and retains enforcement power over fraud and manipulation in the spot commodity market. However, comprehensive ongoing regulation of the ordinary spot market requires clear registration entities, capital requirements, customer asset rules, record-keeping, market monitoring, and conflict of interest systems. Simply labeling an asset as a "commodity" will not automatically generate a complete set of regulatory capabilities for spot trading platforms.

The real aim of the market structure law is to integrate platforms, brokers, dealers, custodial arrangements, and clearing activities into enforceable rules. Each definition here will create winners and losers.

If trading platforms can cram matchmaking, market making, proprietary trading, and token issuance relationships into the same group, the so-called regulatory clarity will merely become a license for risk concentration. If customer asset isolation, bankruptcy handling, and related party transaction disclosure are defined strictly enough, the bill may reduce the absurdity where "users think they own coins, but courts find they only have unsecured claims" during the next platform collapse.

So, to judge whether the new version of the text has made progress, I will focus on five things:

  • Whether customer assets must be substantially isolated from the platform's own assets, and not just marked on the books;
  • How conflicts of interest are disclosed, limited, and audited when the platform engages in market making and proprietary trading;
  • Whether there are clear timelines and joint rule mechanisms when jurisdiction disputes arise between the SEC and CFTC;
  • Whether applicable thresholds can be enforced when foreign platforms serve U.S. users;
  • Whether decentralized protocols, front-end operators, validators, and purely software developers are accurately distinguished.

These terms are far more important than whether "a certain token is a commodity." The former determines who bears the risk. The latter often only decides how the headline is written on that day.

4. The ethical objections of Democrats are not trivial political noise

The report attached to the title mentions that some Democratic legislators who are open to crypto legislation are still influenced by ethical controversies. This resistance cannot be simply explained as "anti-crypto."

When legislation could directly change token issuance, platform access, and asset classification, the relationships between politicians themselves, their families, and crypto companies, token projects, or related business arrangements can affect public judgment about the legitimacy of the legislation. Even if a certain market structure reform is technically reasonable, voters will still ask: Are the rules actually addressing public issues, or are they repricing assets for those with political resources?

This questioning will not automatically disappear just because the industry genuinely needs rules.

Conversely, the existence of ethical controversies is not enough to prove that the entire market structure law should not proceed. A more rigorous approach is to put both the conflict of interest rules and market structure rules on the table at the same time. Prohibiting the use of public office for personal gain, strengthening disclosure, or setting asset transaction restrictions is not contradictory to clarifying digital commodity market regulation.

If Republicans only ask Democrats to swallow ethical issues "for the sake of innovation," it will be hard to stabilize the votes. If Democrats only use ethical controversies to refuse any discussion of market structure, the regulatory vacuum will not become any noble. What the procedural vote truly tests is whether both sides can complete an exchange: the industry gets rules, and the political system provides credibility constraints.

This also explains why one cannot simply count a few publicly stated swing legislators. Sixty votes are not an opinion poll. They are a total quote of text, amendment commitments, committee power, and political risk. A legislator can support establishing crypto rules while opposing the current version. They can also support proceeding to consideration but vote against it in the final vote.

Understanding a procedural vote as a national referendum on "whether crypto is worth supporting" views the Senate as a voting block from the crypto circle.

5. The impact on BTC, ETH, and XRP will not be uniform

Bitcoin's regulatory position is relatively clear. The CFTC has long regarded Bitcoin as a commodity. The main incremental effect of the market structure law on it is not to reissue identification but to regulate spot platforms, brokerage activities, customer assets, and cross-market regulation.

Ethereum is more complex. It involves ongoing development, protocol upgrades, staking services, liquid staking, and multi-layer application ecosystems. If the bill employs overly static standards of "decentralization," it may fail to accurately address a network that lacks traditional corporate control but still has core development and governance coordination. What truly matters is not the phrase "ETH is a commodity," but how staking services, issuance arrangements, governance rights, and intermediary commitments are each characterized.

XRP reminds everyone that the asset itself cannot lazily be equated with specific sales transactions. Different sales methods, different buyers, and different factual backgrounds can lead to different legal conclusions regarding the same asset. If the market structure law can articulate this distinction into forward-looking rules, it will be of great value. If it merely replaces existing litigation controversies with another set of vague terms, the industry will continue to seek clarity in courts.

Therefore, do not ask "which three tokens benefit from the bill." Instead, one should ask three more rigorous questions:

First, can existing assets enter a defined transition system? Second, what obligations do platforms have when providing trading, custodial, and yield products for these assets? Third, can the market receive binding answers within predictable time frames when regulatory identities are disputed?

Short-term price reactions only reveal how traders interpret news; they do not prove that the law has altered the asset's value. Even after passing the procedural vote, there remains textual risk. After the final passage, there remains the risk of implementing details. After rules come into effect, there are still risks of enforcement and judicial interpretation.

Anyone who directly translates a procedural vote into a target price is not analyzing the law. They are merely crafting press releases for their positions.

6. What is most worthwhile to observe on September 15 is where the failure occurs

If the vote passes, the focus should not be on celebration. We need to see whether the votes in favor are bipartisan, what commitments are involved in amendment support, and how many substantive differences remain between the Senate text and the House H.R. 3633. The fewer the bipartisan votes, the more likely the subsequent text will lose stability in the next political turbulence.

If the vote fails, do not rush to declare U.S. regulatory reform dead. It is necessary to distinguish the reasons for failure: Is it due to opposition to expanding CFTC authority, concerns about insufficient investor protection, conflicts arising from bank, DeFi, or stablecoin provisions, or did ethical issues obstruct the transaction? Different reasons lead to completely different fates for the next version of the bill.

The worst outcome is not the failure of the bill.

The worst outcome is Congress passing a set of loosely defined, vaguely responsible, and under-resourced regulations under the slogan of "regulatory clarity." That would temporarily hide legal risks and push larger losses onto the next wave of platform bankruptcies and market manipulations.

True clarity does not mean each token gets the answer it likes.

True clarity means that funders, platforms, regulators, and users can no longer pretend that they don’t know who bears responsibility.

September 15 is not the gate through which crypto assets wait to be released; it is the door that tests the U.S. political system.

References
U.S. Congress, H.R. 3633 — Digital Asset Market Clarity Act of 2025, official bill text
U.S. Congress, H.R. 3633 — All Actions
United States Senate, About Filibusters and Cloture
U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, Framework for "Investment Contract" Analysis of Digital Assets, 2019
PANews, U.S. Senate Republicans Release New Version of CLARITY Bill Draft and Procedure Vote Report for September 15

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